For a long time they protected up the U.S. massacre of civilians at No Gun Ri and elsewhere. This is why we under no circumstances study our classes.
June 25th was the 70th anniversary of the begin of the Korean War. Hundreds of hundreds of American soldiers fought bravely in that war, and practically 37,000 were being killed. But the media is ignoring maybe the war’s most significant lesson: the U.S. governing administration has nearly unlimited sway to hide its individual war crimes.
For the duration of the Korean War, Americans ended up deluged with formal pronouncements about how the U.S. armed service was taking all doable actions to guard harmless civilians. Simply because the evils of communism have been self-evident, several inquiries arose about how the U.S. was thwarting Red aggression. When a U.S. Senate subcommittee appointed in 1953 by Sen. Joseph McCarthy investigated Korean War atrocities, the committee explicitly declared that, “war crimes had been described as people acts dedicated by enemy nations.”
In 1999, forty-6 many years after the stop hearth in Korea, the Affiliated Press exposed a 1950 massacre of Korean refugees at No Gun Ri. U.S. troops drove Koreans out of their village and compelled them to remain on a railroad embankment. Commencing on July 25, 1950, the refugees ended up strafed by U.S. planes and equipment guns over the pursuing 3 times. Hundreds of folks, typically girls and children, have been killed. The 1999 AP story was broadly denounced by American politicians and some media retailers as a slander on American troops.
The Pentagon promised an exhaustive investigation. In January 2001, the Pentagon released a 300-website page report purportedly proving that the No Gun Ri killings were being basically “an regrettable tragedy” brought about by set off-happy troopers frightened by approaching refugees.
President Monthly bill Clinton declared his “regret that Korean civilians missing their life at No Gun Ri.” In a January 2001 interview, Clinton was asked why he utilized “regret” in its place of “apology.” He declared, “I believe that the folks who appeared into it could not conclude that there was a deliberate act, decided at a substantial sufficient degree in the armed forces hierarchy, to acknowledge that, in result, the governing administration had participated in some thing that was horrible.” Clinton specified that there was no evidence of “wrongdoing superior plenty of in the chain of command in the Military to say that, in result, the authorities was liable.”
In 2005, Sahr Conway-Lanz, a Harvard University doctoral scholar, found a letter in the Nationwide Archives from the U.S. ambassador to Korea, John Muccio, despatched to Assistant Secretary of Point out Dean Rusk on the working day the No Gun Ri massacre commenced. Muccio summarized a new coverage from a meeting in between U.S. armed service and South Korean officials: “If refugees do appear from north of U.S. lines they will receive warning shots, and if they then persist in advancing they will be shot.” The new plan was radioed to Army models all around Korea on the early morning the No Gun Ri massacre commenced. The U.S. armed service feared that North Korean troops might be hiding amidst the refugees. The Pentagon initially claimed that its investigators under no circumstances saw Muccio’s letter but it was in the certain investigation file used for its report.
Conway-Lanz’s 2006 book Collateral Destruction quoted an official U.S. Navy background of the initial 6 months of the Korean War stating that the coverage of strafing civilians was “wholly defensible.” An formal Army history mentioned: “Eventually, it was decided to shoot anyone who moved at night time.” A report for the plane carrier USS Valley Forge justified attacking civilians because the Military insisted that “groups of a lot more than 8 to 10 people had been to be deemed troops, and were being to be attacked.”
In 2007, the Military recited its original denial: “No policy purporting to authorize troopers to shoot refugees was ever promulgated to soldiers in the field.” But the Affiliated Press uncovered far more dust from the U.S. archives: “A lot more than a dozen documents—in which superior-position U.S. officers explain to troops that refugees are ‘fair activity,’ for case in point, and get them to ‘shoot all refugees coming across river’—were observed by the AP in the investigators’ own archived information just after the 2001 inquiry. None of people files was disclosed in the Army’s 300-web site general public report.”
A previous Air Force Pilot told investigators that his plane and three many others strafed refugees at the exact same time of the No Gun Ri massacre the official report claimed “all pilots interviewed … knew nothing at all about this sort of orders.” Evidence also surfaced of other massacres like No Gun Ri. On September 1, 1950, the destroyer USS DeHaven, at the Army’s insistence, “fired on a seaside refugee encampment at Pohang, South Korea. Survivors say 100 to 200 people were being killed.”
Slaughtering civilians en masse grew to become regime procedure just after the Chinese Military intervened in the Korean war in late 1950. U.S. Commander Gen. Douglas MacArthur spoke of turning North Korean-held territory into a “desert.” The U.S. army finally “expanded its definition of a navy focus on to any construction that could shelter enemy troops or supplies.” In a scoring approach that foreshadowed the Vietnam war overall body counts, Air Force press releases touted the “square footage” of “enemy-held buildings” that it flattened. Standard Curtis LeMay summarized the achievements: “We burned down each city in North Korea… and some in South Korea, also.” A million civilians may perhaps have been killed during the war, and a South Korean federal government Truth and Reconciliation Fee uncovered lots of beforehand unreported atrocities.
The Pentagon technique on Korean War atrocities succeeded simply because it still left reality to the historians, not the policymakers. The specifics about No Gun Ri finally slipped out—ten presidencies later. Even much more detrimental, the Policies of Engagement for killing Korean civilians have been covered up until eventually soon after 4 more U.S. wars. If U.S. coverage for slaying Korean refugees had been exposed throughout that war, it could have curtailed equivalent killings in Vietnam (numerous of which were being not disclosed until finally a long time after the war).
Former congressman and adorned Korean War veteran Pete McCloskey warned, “The govt will constantly lie about embarrassing issues.” The exact same shenanigans permeate other U.S. wars. The secrecy and deceit bordering U.S. armed service interventions has had catastrophic implications in this century. The Bush administration exploited the 9/11 assaults to justify attacking Iraq in 2003, and it was not until eventually 2016 that the U.S. government disclosed files exposing the Saudi government’s role in financing the hijackers (15 of 19 were Saudi citizens). The Pentagon covered up the huge bulk of U.S. killings of Iraqi civilians until finally Bradley Manning and Wikileaks uncovered them in 2010. There is likely reams of evidence of duplicity and intentional slaughter of civilians in U.S. government data files on its endlessly baffled and contradictory Syrian intervention.
When politicians or generals look itching to pull the U.S. into a further international war, remember that real truth is routinely the very first casualty. The blood of civilian victims of U.S. wars is the political variation of disappearing ink. But the kinfolk and neighbors of these victims could go after vengeance no matter of whether or not address-ups con the American people.