WASHINGTON, DC – JULY 14: U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to the media in the Rose Back garden at the White Property on July 14, 2020 in Washington, DC. (Picture by Drew Angerer/Getty Pictures)
It is been 48 years due to the fact James David Barber, then chairman of the political science section at Duke, printed his seminal treatise, The Presidential Character: Predicting General performance in the White Home. The e-book is mostly overlooked right now, but it brought about quite a stir when it appeared in 1972. Barber, who died in 2004, looked at qualities of temperament and character in assessing how the country’s main executives approached the presidency—and how that in flip contributed to their achievement or failure in place of work.
By extension, Barber’s prism of evaluating presidential character also could be made use of to forecast how individual politicians may possibly strategy the White House task should really they ever attain it.
I last wrote about the Barber thesis in The Countrywide Fascination journal back again in 2013 in examining the temperament and outlook of President Barack Obama (reprinted on the exact same web-site a yr later on as a sort of update), and I reprise below some of the language I employed then to explain the Barber thought. I do so as a foundation for assessing the presidential character of President Trump and (prospectively) of his presumptive opponent, previous Vice President Joe Biden.
Barber assessed presidents centered on two indices: very first, regardless of whether they ended up “positive” or “negative” in outlook and, second, regardless of whether they ended up “active” or “passive” in ambition. The initial index–the optimistic/destructive one–assesses how presidents regard themselves in relation to the difficulties of the workplace so, for example, did they embrace the career with a joyful optimism or regard it as a essential martyrdom they should sustain in buy to prove their very own self-worthy of? The 2nd index—active vs. passive—measures their degree of seeking to attain big things or retreat into a reactive governing manner.
The two indices develop 4 categories of presidents, to wit:
Energetic-Positive: Presidents with big nationwide ambitions who are self-assured, adaptable, optimistic, joyful in the exercise of ability, possessing a specific philosophical detachment towards what they regard as a wonderful game.
Lively-Destructive: Compulsive men and women with minimal self-esteem, seekers of energy as a indicates of self-actualization, specified to rigidity and pessimism, pushed, in some cases overly intense. But they harbor massive desires for bringing about achievements of huge historical scope.
Passive-Constructive: Compliant presidents who react to functions alternatively than initiating them. They want to be liked and are so ingratiating—and quickly manipulated. They are “superficially optimistic” and harbor usually modest ambitions for their presidential years. But they are healthy in both equally moi and self-esteem.
Passive-Adverse: Withdrawn politicians with very low self-esteem and tiny zest for the give-and-choose of politics and the happy-handing needs of the match. They keep away from conflict and get no joy in the takes advantage of of ability. They tend to get them selves boxed up via a preoccupation with principles, procedures, and treatments.
When Barber first place forth this matrix, he was properly considered as distinctively probing and unique. And there is tiny doubt that Barber’s perceived features, if appropriately recognized and analyzed, can inform our assessments of how presidents do their job—or how prospective presidents may possibly do theirs. But there is lots of area for debate when it arrives to attaching individual features to individual presidents.
For illustration, Barber identifies George Washington as Passive-Damaging, which means he had reduced self-esteem, shunned prospects for having energy, retreated from conflict, and was usually preoccupied on tiny matters at the expenditure of significant ambitions. This rarely squares with history’s reliable portrayal of the to start with president. A further illustration was Barber’s categorization of Ronald Reagan as Passive-Beneficial, this means his popular optimism was basically superficial, that he reacted to activities rather than initiating them, and was conveniently manipulated.
This Reagan portrayal may possibly have comported with what quite a few of his opponents and detractors believed of him in the course of his presidential tenure, but it does not suit the real Reagan, who reversed many years of orthodoxy to transform the country’s financial debate and set out not just to counter the Soviet risk but to truly upend the Soviet Union by itself. And he did this with rarely any evidence that he absorbed in any harmful way the barrage of harsh criticism thrown at him.
On the other hand, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon clearly had been Lively-Detrimental, as Barber indicates. So had been Herbert Hoover and Woodrow Wilson. And it isn’t hard to acknowledge some of Barber’s Energetic-Favourable categorizations—Thomas Jefferson, Franklin Roosevelt, and Harry Truman, for illustration. All this indicates that there is a great deal of home for discussion and discussion on just wherever various presidents really should be placed. It’s a sort of parlor video game. And no question partisan impulses will creep into the parlor match as very well.
So let us go into the parlor and communicate about Trump and Biden.
It is not complicated to position Trump on the Active-Passive scale. He is a person of huge ambitions, as evidenced by his intent, as a 2016 prospect for the Republican presidential nomination, to mow down the whole GOP institution on his way to the occasion nod. As president he has embraced a equivalent take care of to just take the region in an totally new way in a host of areas—immigration, trade, foreign affairs. As a result it appears obvious he is an Lively president in his take care of, typically expressed in audacious phrases, to adjust American society in extremely sizeable strategies.
But is he a Unfavorable or a Favourable? The Favourable presidents relished the job and the grand requirement to move occasions by persuading, cajoling, bargaining with and potentially often threatening other players in the political arena. The great Lively-Good presidents all had fun in the position. They confirmed a zest and enthusiasm that was infectious, not just with the American people but also with customers of Congress.
This doesn’t describe Trump. There is no glance of the happy warrior about him but fairly a consistent bitterness and whininess. He demonstrates barely any zest for the job and undoubtedly extremely very little enthusiasm for working with, cajoling, influencing, or even outmaneuvering the political opposition. The final result is that he seldom outmaneuvers his adversaries at all.
And probably no president in American background has done a lot more to make the huge difficulties of the working day about himself and his destiny rather than about the nation and its fate. This is a little bit of a giveaway that his struggles are driven by inner motivations, perhaps even internal demons of some type or other.
All this will help clarify why Trump has been unable to make politically on his fundamental fount of support—the 39 % to 43 % of Us citizens who give him a optimistic overall performance ranking. If there is 1 factor his political design is not, it is infectious. His negativity is a barrier to enlargement in his overall public aid his incapacity to develop his public assist is a barrier to accomplishment in governance and his lack of achievements in governance is a barrier to eventual political achievements in November.
Hence do we see that Trump seems to be an Lively-Negative. Presidents in this Barber class really don’t have great monitor records. They contain John Adams, a failed just one-termer Woodrow Wilson, a two-termer whose 2nd phrase was amid the most disastrous of our record Herbert Hoover, tossed out soon after a solitary phrase simply because he could not locate a way to grapple with the Great Melancholy Lyndon Johnson, a international-plan failure of exceptional dimension and Richard Nixon, the only president to resign the office in shame.
What about Biden? Of study course, using the Barber analyletical software to assess the presidential character of another person who has under no circumstances been president has to be viewed as a certified organization at best. But the man has been at a higher amount on the countrywide political scene for almost half a century, and in that time we have been supplied a stable chance to observe him and assess his political characteristics.
On the Positive/Adverse scale, Biden would seem to be a Favourable. He was excoriated early in the Democratic nomination struggle for touting his means in excess of the years to perform with fellow senators who had demonstrated their segregationist prejudices, which includes Mississippi’s James O. Eastland and Georgia’s Herman Talmadge. “We did not concur on considerably of anything,” said Biden, introducing however, “We bought issues performed.”
The outcry, significantly of it imply-spirited, was predictable, but Biden’s potential to function with senatorial colleagues was a hallmark of his picture around the a long time of his congressional tenure. The really regarded Congressional Quarterly book of political profiles, Politics in The usa, praised Biden for his potential to operate with North Carolina Republican Jesse Helms when Helms was chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee and Biden was its position member. Explained the book: “Biden’s skill to preserve strains of interaction with all teams generally has created him, instead than Helms, the critical vote on Overseas Relations.”
This can be considered as proof of a Positive trait, based mostly on the Barber scale. Even right after 30 several years in the Senate, stated Politics in The us, “he nevertheless reveals the intelligence, push and passion of his youth.” The key phrase below, in conditions of presidential character, is “passion.” Positives exhibit a zest for the task and an openness to persons, even these in the opposition who depict impediments to achievement that have to be dealt with through persuasion, cajolery, again-slapping, and previous-fashioned horse-trading. Positives love that activity so does Biden.
On the Energetic/Passive scale, Biden looks to tilt toward passivity. This is hard to evaluate, having said that, simply because you simply cannot know how a president will look at the White Dwelling job with any definiteness right up until he or she basically becomes president. But Biden’s lengthy Washington provider reveals an adroit legislative politician who dealt with difficulties as they emerged, without the need of a great deal proof of eyesight or significant imagining.
Hence does it surface that Biden represents a very likely Passive/Good president. Remember, Barber sees presidents in this group as wanting to be beloved and thus ingratiating—and effortlessly manipulated. That in truth is just one of the knocks on Biden by conservatives—that he is being manipulated in his marketing campaign, and would keep on to be as president, by his party’s emergent leftist radicals.
In any event, we have—for whatsoever it may well be worth—what appears to be Biden’s Passive/Favourable persona up in opposition to Trump’s a lot more definitive Lively/Unfavorable designation. This isn’t meant as a recommendation on how everyone should really vote, basically as one particular smaller window on the race as it unfolds.
Robert W. Merry, longtime Washington, D.C., journalist and publishing govt, is the creator of In which They Stand: The American Presidents in the Eyes of Voters and Historians, between other textbooks.